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Strengthening Climate Action
through International Financial Institutional Reform
John Kirton, Director, G20 Research Group
June 10, 2023
Background paper prepared for the session on "Policy Brief Dissemination: Reorienting International Financial Institutions (IFIs) to Meet Emerging Development Financing Challenges" at the Task Force 5 T20 India 2023 Side Event on "Building Bridges to Sustainable Finance: The Reform Agenda of International Financial Institutions," organized by T20 India, Institute for Economic and Social Research in the Faculty of Economics and Business at the Universitas Indonesia, and the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Bali, Indonesia, June 10, 2023. Presented virtually. Version of June 10, 2023.
Two central questions are critical today: First, how can the international financial institutions (IFIs) be directed toward stronger support for climate finance in emerging and developing countries? Second, how can the G20 promote such reform through adopting the politically realistic, analytically sound recommendations provided by the Think 20 (T20)?
These questions are critical. We have little time left to control climate change, which has become an existential threat to the planet and its people as a whole. To do so, we need to mobilize and smartly deploy an enormous amount of climate finance – $5–7 trillion a year – with IFIs playing a central role. This requires the ambitious leadership of the G20 summit, whose members control these IFIs, and whose summits have already made substantial contributions but have still fallen short of meeting the proliferating need. The G20's summit in New Delhi, India, on September 9–10 can help close the gap, by committing to take and implementing several key steps.
To identify these steps, we must, first, focus on Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 13 on climate action, which is essential to advance the rest of the 17 SDGs. Second, amidst all the sources of climate finance, the most money needed now lies within the G20 governments and the IFIs and multilateral development banks (MDBs) they control, led by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank Group. Third, these steps must be both analytically attractive and politically realistic, must able to be turned into commitments by G20 governments at their New Delhi Summit and, more importantly, must be complied with by their governments when their leaders return home.
Recommended actions are more politically realistic if they build on what G20 leaders have already committed to and have complied with in the past, and if they are now upgraded in ways that the Dalhi's G20 leaders can politically accept. The G20 summit's past performance here, on climate finance, on IFI and MDB reform, and on development, are the foundations on which to build (Kirton and Wang 2021; Dobson 2022).
Since their start in 2008, G20 summits have made 134 commitments on climate change, including 26 on climate finance (see Appendix A). But only one commitment, made in 2017, referred to an MDB. Three, made in 2011, 2012 and 2022, referred to an IFI. And four more, made in 2011, 2013 and 2014, addressed the Green Climate Fund. So G20 leaders seldom look to the IFIs or MDBs for the climate finance they seek.
On development, G20 summits have made 342 commitments, but only 15 of them contain references to climate change, the environment, ecosystems, the Paris Agreement, the green economy or the blue economy. At their most recent summit in Bali in November 2022, G20 leaders made 22 development commitments. Seven referenced the SDGs or 2030 Agenda on Sustainable Development. Only two, on the green economy and on the blue economy, pointed to climate change.
Two addressed the MDBs. Here G20 leaders (2022) asked "the Multilateral Development Banks to bring forward actions to mobilize and provide additional financing within their mandates, to support achievement of the SDGs including through sustainable development and infrastructure investments, and responding to global challenges." They also promised to "explore ways, including through balance sheet optimization measures, and other potential avenues, to maximize MDBs' development impact."
On IFI reform, G20 summits have made 150 commitments, but only one of them, made at Pittsburgh in September 2009, referred to climate change.
G20 governments' compliance with their commitments on climate finance, development and IFI reform has been very low, as assessed by the G20 Research Group.
With their climate finance commitments, compliance averaged only 47%, all from 2011 to 2014, and focused on the new, climate-dedicated Green Climate Fund. This is much lower than the 69% compliance with the climate change commitments overall.
With their development commitments, compliance averaged 67%. However, the four assessed development commitments which specifically referenced the 2030 Agenda or the SDGs since 2015 averaged a very high 90%.
With their IFI reform commitments, compliance averaged 68%. None of these commitments referred to the 2030 Agenda, SDGs, sustainable development, climate change or climate finance.
From this fragile foundation, 15 recommendations emerge as politically realistic ones.
Adeoye, Aanu (2023). "Nigerians Fill Up Before Fuel Subsidies End." Financial Times, June 2, p. 4.
Capital Adequacy Frameworks Panel (2022). "Boosting MDBs' Investing Capacity." An independent review of Multilateral Development Banks' Capital Adequacy Frameworks. https://www.g20.utoronto.ca/biblio/CAF-Review-Report.pdf.
Dobson, Sonja (2022). "G20 Performance on Development," in John Kirton and Madeline Koch, eds., G20 Indonesia: The 2023 Bali Summit (London: GT Media), pp. 112–113. https://bit.ly/g20bali.
G20 (2022). "G20 Bali Leaders' Declaration." Bali, November 16. https://www.g20.utoronto.ca/2022/221116-declaration.html.
Kirton, John (2013). G20 Governance for a Globalized World (Abingdon UK: Routledge).
Kirton, John and Alissa Xinhe Wang (2021). "G20 Development Governance," in Dries Lesage and Jan Wouters, eds., The G20, Development and the UN Agenda 2030 (Abingdon UK: Routledge), pp. 25–52.
Kirton, John and Brittaney Warren (forthcoming). "Strengthening G20 Support for the UN's Sustainable Development Goal 13 on Climate Change." International Organizations Research Journal. https://iorj.hse.ru/en.
McCullock, Neil (2023). Ending Fossil Fuel Subsidies: The Politics of Saving the Planet (Warwickshire UK: Practical Action Publishing).
Pilling, David (2023). "Nigeria's President Need Only Top Low Expectations." Financial Times, June 2, p. 14.
Setser, Brad W. and Stephen Paduano (2023a). "How an SDR Bond Can Boost Concessional and Climate Financing." Council on Foreign Relations, June 1. https://www.cfr.org/blog/using-sdr-bond-creatively-boost-concessional-and-climate-finance.
Setser, Brad W. and Stephen Paduano (2023b). "How and SDR Denominated Bond Could Work." Council on Foreign Relations, March 16. https://www.cfr.org/blog/how-sdr-denominated-bond-could-work.
Summit |
# climate commitments/ |
Finance |
International Financial Institutions |
Multilateral Development Banks |
Green Climate Fund |
Spread |
2008 Washington |
0/0 |
|
|
|
|
|
2009 London |
3/0 (0%) |
|
- |
- |
- |
1 |
2009 Pittsburgh |
3/2 (67%) |
2 |
- |
- |
- |
1 |
2010 Toronto |
3/0 (0%) |
- |
- |
- |
- |
0 |
2010 Seoul |
8/1 (13%) |
1 |
- |
- |
- |
1 |
2011 Cannes |
8/2 (25%) |
- |
1 |
- |
1 |
2 |
2012 Los Cabos |
6/1 (17%) |
- |
1 |
- |
- |
1 |
2013 St. Petersburg |
12/1 (8%) |
- |
- |
- |
1 |
1 |
2014 Brisbane |
7/2 (29%) |
- |
- |
- |
2 |
1 |
2015 Antalya |
3/0 (0%) |
- |
- |
- |
- |
0 |
2016 Hangzhou |
0/0 (0%) |
- |
- |
- |
- |
0 |
2017 Hamburg |
22/6 (23%) |
5 |
- |
1 |
- |
2 |
2018 Buenos Aires |
3/0 (0%) |
- |
- |
- |
- |
0 |
2019 Osaka |
13/1 (8%) |
1 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
2020 Riyadh |
3/0 (0%) |
- |
- |
- |
- |
0 |
2021 Rome |
21/5 (23%) |
5 |
- |
- |
- |
- |
2022 Bali |
18/5 (28%) |
4 |
1 |
- |
- |
2 |
2023 Delhi |
To be determined |
|
|
|
4 |
|
Total/Average |
134/26 (19%) |
18 |
3 |
1 |
4 |
4 |
G7 Total |
73/16 (22%) |
|
|
|
|
|
Note: Compiled by John Kirton, June 2, 2023
2009 Pittsburgh
2010 Seoul
2011 Cannes
2012 Los Cabos
2013 St. Petersburg
2014 Brisbane
2017 Hamburg
2019 Osaka
2021 Rome
2022 Bali
G20 member by gross domestic product (highest to lowest) |
Allocated special drawing rights (SDRs |
Rechannelling pledges |
United States |
79,546.2 |
|
China |
29,216.5 |
10.0 billion |
European Union |
|
|
Japan |
29,540.1 |
8.3 billion |
Germany |
25,527.9 |
6.2 billion |
India |
12,569.6 |
|
United Kingdom |
19,317.8 |
5.4 billion |
France |
19,317.8 |
5.4 billion |
Italy |
14,443.9 |
4.0 billion |
Canada |
10,565.9 |
2.9 billion |
Korea |
8,226.1 |
600.0 million |
Russia |
12,367.6 |
|
Brazil |
10,583.3 |
|
Australia |
6,299.3 |
2.0 billion |
Mexico |
8,542.4 |
|
Indonesia |
4,455.3 |
|
Saudi Arabia |
9,577.5 |
|
Turkey |
4,465.1 |
|
Argentina |
3,054.9 |
|
South Africa |
2,924.4 |
|
Total SDRs created |
650 billion |
|
Compiled by Brittaney Warren, June 8, 2023.
Sources: International Monetary Fund (2021), "2021 General SDR Allocation," last updated August 23, https://www.imf.org/en/Topics/special-drawing-right/2021-SDR-Allocation; Ana Monteiro and Eric Martin (2022), "Low-Income Countries Burn Through Extra IMF Reserves, Raise Calls for More," Financial Post, August 25 (updated August 26), https://financialpost.com/news/economy/fragile-nations-burn-through-their-imf-lifelines-to-plug-gaps.
As of August 26, 2022: 11 International Monetary Fund members have pledged to re-direct a portion of their allocated SDRs. None had been disbursed. Additional rechannelling pledges beyond core G20 members have come from Spain (2.6B) and the Netherlands (2.4B).
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